By Jovian Shemlon
The post-independent history of Togo has been centred on one President Gnassingbé Eyadema’s power play, a man who ruled Togo directly for 38 years and indirectly for more than 40 years, such that Togolese had resigned themselves to his presence, and have only started waking up to reality, after his death last February.
Born in the 1930s, he joined the French Foreign Legion when was still in his teens, surviving two brutal wars in Algeria and Indochina. It was therefore a combat veteran who came up to join the army and immediately made a name for himself.
In 1963 Eyadema plotted and executed the very first military coup d’état in independent sub-Saharan Africa against Togo’s president Sylvanus Olympio, who was replaced by Nicolas Grunitsky before “conveniently” moving aside for Eyadema in 1967.
The Legend
Eyadema declared himself President of the Republic, Head of Government, and Minister of Defence then went further in 1969 to create a single political party, the Rassemblement du Peuples Togolais (RTP), which reigned supreme until multiparty politics was forced upon him in 1990.
He survived more than seven sure-death situations and seemed to live a charmed life: In 1967, a sharpshooter missed him at point-blank range; in 1973 his plane crashed near his village in Northern Togo; in 1974 he survived a second plane crash that was allegedly carrying a bomb; in 1977, 1986, and 1993 he slipped through repeated commando attacks allegedly commissioned by the opposition, and in 2003 international and local media announced him dead.
Certainly Eyadema was not destined to die by an assassin’s bullet. In the Togolese psyche, the man had attained mystic levels, which is one reason why the Togolese are finding it difficult to manage the post-Eyadema era – but at his death, he left behind a son, a worthy heir:
Faure Eyadema
Faure is 38 years old, an age corresponding to the length of his father’s reign. Coincidence or not, the figure may be considered significant because it can be assumed that the son learnt a lot during those years of growing up and serious grooming to enter the father’s shoes.
So when Eyadema the father died, Eyadema the son attempted to do what his father had successfully done twice. Although he failed, this was due more to the different timeframes than to a lack of sufficient training –as a matter of fact it was the father’s lack of foresight: the 1960s were in another time and the third millennium came with many radical changes.
With the backing of the Togolese Armed Forces, Faure Eyadema attempted to push constitutional succession aside in order to assume power and carry on his father’s ongoing mandate to the end in 2008.
Global Village
The international community and the Togolese people reacted with the prompt and typical vehemence of our times. Political and economic sanctions were dumped on him; from ECOWAS, AU, EU, and the USA.
Obasanjo of Nigeria, Bongo of Gabon, and even Ghadaffi of Libya all advised the “little boy” to step aside and hand over to the constitutional successor and to allow democratic elections after the 60-day interim period.
Surprise!
Taking the whole world off guard, the “little boy” conceded good-naturedly and the Togolese got busy preparing to vote a new president. Within the ranks of the opposition there was not much hope considering the divisions that developed prior to the elections, disorganising Faure’s opponents, although the opposition is not as weak as it used to be in his father’s days.
The Candidates
On Thursday March 17, the six main opposition parties came together to chose a single candidate, Yawovi Agboyibo, to stand against Faure. Whatever might be said for or against this candidate is a question of individual belief – but for God’s sake, the man is 74 years old.
People who had seen the death of the senior Eyadema as a golden opportunity to change things began wondering if the opposition candidate would be able to stand up to young Fuare’s youthful dynamism and the fact that the young startling is already in the good books of those who really matter on the international political scene.
So, the coalition was already cracking and subsequently broke down just before the elections of April 24 – this had been the scenario every time the Togolese opposition had to go against the late Gnassingbé Eyadema.
Finally the Opposition, after much wrangling, came up with another consensus candidate, Mr Emmanuel Akitani Bob, a 75-year-old veteran in politics.
The Opposition
The one thing that has always been constant in opposition parties in Africa is the vaulting personal ambition of the opposition leaders, which usually takes first place over the common interest. In Togo’s case, these personal ambitions have always been a stumbling block because when a man last so long in power, the opposition becomes numb and does not prepare any contingencies or anticipate his death.
So the opposition in Togo is just full of opportunists and has very few politicians who can be considered to be serious, ready to work and leave their mark on history. In Eyadema’s time, the opposition was relegated to the role of contesting and criticising government decisions without any real political platform.
Many of the so-called opposition leaders today were among the very privileged few under the old regime, who have been spoilt by creature comfort and corruption. Their engagement in the opposition is half-hearted since most of them have quite a lot to hide from the public. T
he former Prime Minister, Abeyomo Kodjo, for instance, has been both a “leading” opposition figure and a key reformer of the RPT in power.
Professor Gnininvi of the CDPA is an intelligent, bold and vocal man but lacks charisma. His party has fewer than 5000 militants yet he insists on going to the polls alone on account of never have “slept with the enemy”, Eyadema.
Yawoni Agboyibo, the 74-yr-old single candidate designate, has to his favour the fact that his party, CAR, once had 37 members voted into the house under the late Eyadema’s harsh regime. The man who finally went for the make-believe had the advantage of being flexible and low-key.
Then there is Gilchrist Olympio, public enemy No 1 of the old regime for 38 years and son of the assassinated Sylvanus Olympio, Togo’s first president. His UFC party is the only opposition party with a national dimension and he is respected nationwide.
So why should he allow others get into the presidential palace or share power with them, when clearly they are “minors” simply trying their hand in the bigleague?
Pipe Dream
Nevertheless, the opposition finally negotiated an agreement with Faure to form a government of national unity after the election irrespective who won. This was signed between Fuare Eyadema and Gilchrist Olympio; in Abuja, under the watchful eyes of Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo
The RPT is a party that has had the last 38 years to sink its roots deep, and its candidate, Faure Eyadema has lived in the bedrooms of power since birth, not to mention the fact that he has learnt well from his father.
He is a pragmatist, evidence of which is found in the fact that he quietly conceded power when the world demanded and opted for election. Surely he knows that “he who fights and runs away, lives to fight another day”?
Moreover, he has the backing of the army and the civil administration which his father left behind. His party’s regime knows how to survive by infiltrating and manipulating the opposition, techniques which had never failed Gnassingbé.
Foregone conclusion
If young Eyadema indeed learnt well from his father, those valued techniques are not likely to fail him now that has won in an open election. Those who asked him to leave find themselves rushing back with victory roses, the olive branch and hearty congratulations for Togo’s new president – Eyadema the second.
He won 60% of the votes while the Emmanuel Akitani won 39%. After the election the streets of Lomé could have been those of any major town in another country with the overturned, burnt cars, police beating up stone-throwing protesters and more than 30 dead. It lasted two weeks, just time enough for the opposition to gather the bargaining chips to negotiate seats on the King’s Dining Table.
These negotiations have now been re-opened and the opposition leaders will surely be granted juicy positions and even first-pick in certain courses.
Meanwhile, the average Togolese is out there amidst the debris of his shattered hopes, wondering why he followed “all these politicians” into this mess. The scene shall be repeated in five year’s time.
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