By Ireneaus Chia Chongwain
Transitional periods usually constitute moments of great anxiety for different communities, institutions and countries. Fear and uncertainty generally affect performance and initiative during such periods. As a result of the fragility of its institutions, more attention in many African countries is instead directed towards who future decision makers will be and the people they will choose to help in formulating and implementing policy, than on major policy orientation and sustainability.
Whereas change is unavoidable in every community and country, transitional anxiety is uncalled for when one talks of an institution, for inherent in its definition are the notions of continuity and sustainability.
Change in itself is not bad as it does not only ensure continuity and durability, but also provide new perspectives and sometimes more inclusive approaches. Whereas different interest and pressure groups resist change to protect certain privileges, others fight to bring about change to enjoy long cherished benefits. For this reason, appointments in most institutions and countries usually carry in them a stink of contradiction.
In some cases, while some see in appointment an opportunity gained, others see an opportunity lost, or even a threat to their very survival. As a result of such parochial and interest-centred thinking, more attention is usually geared towards who has been appointed, rather than what the person represents or the values he/she embodies.
This perception largely accounts for the celebrations and the gnashing of teeth after different appointments in Cameroon. If appointments were responsibilities and a call to serve, would people really celebrate when appointed?
Yes, they may celebrate to have been given an opportunity or the distinguished privilege of serving their communities and countries, but not an opportunity to lord it over others, settle scores with rivals, or send those whose faces they hate packing. This line of reasoning contradicts the fundamental principles on which an institution is built.
Within an institution those who are called to serve are expected to bring about equity, social justice, redress, effectiveness and efficiency and help to enhance the participation of all those who are interested in the wellbeing of their countries and companies. Contradictions and contestations should not always be seen as a challenge of authority, but should be closely examined to determine how they can help to move an enterprise or country forward and foster the common good.
Competing ideas could have a positive impact on decision making, policy content and implementation for as Rembe Symphosa Wilibald (2006) in The Politics of Transformation in South Africa states, "It contends that policy change and variation result from interaction of ideas and interest within patterns of groups and policy networks and preset institutions."
It is euphoric to think we can build problem-free institutions and communities, but when more time is spent haggling over personality rather than issues of principles, then there is something fundamentally wrong. The vitality of an institution is not determined by the absence of problems and conflicts, but by its ability to address these problems and conflicts and seek long term solutions.
For unaddressed setbacks and contradictions in policy can sometimes equally affect the process of bringing about fundamental changes and orchestrate indescribable alienation within any human setup.
This may not be a comprehensive definition of an institution, but it contains the basic tenets of what an institution is. When answering a question on the occasion of Mgr Samuel Kleda's appointment as Douala Co-adjutor Archbishop last November, His Eminence, Christian Cardinal Tumi, compared the Church to a building, which those called upon to construct, take turns in laying the building blocks, ceding places to those after them, to do the same thing.
This anecdotal definition regurgitates the fundamental principles on which an institution is built, that is, collective responsibility, team work, durability and continuity.
Many of Africa's institutional nightmares result from the fact that many of those who run her institutions want to be seen as indispensable. This intrinsically springs from a mentality deficiency as those in command want to be seen as indispensable.
They forget that before they took over command a countless number of things had been done and after them an infinite number of things will be done. The focus should not really be on change itself as it will come, whether we like it or not, but on how well we helped in ensuring a smooth transition when we had the chance.
The problem is that many see things from a generic standoffish position. It is easy when change is discussed from other people's perspectives, but hard to swallow when it affects people as individuals. Make a difference at your own level. The father of a family should know that he is not always going to be there and prepare his son to eventually take over control.
At State level, institutional transition should be guaranteed through a viable legal framework; for the old order changes, ceding place to the new, lest one should corrupt the other. Thus, rather than resist change, prepare for change, for happy are those who ensure a smooth transition. They shall have every reason to be proud!


Various reasons have been adduced for how the continent quickly slid into this parlous situation. There have been a technocratic set of reasons, which suggest that the situation has all been the product of poor planning or poor policy implementation capacity.
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The post independence development efforts failed because the strategy was misconceived. Governments made a dash for “modernization”, copying, but not adapting, Western models.
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In a preliminary and general way, it can be argued that the Western models to which African countries were aspiring were those projected to them by their former colonial masters, notably Britain, France, Portugal, and Spain. These countries have had the opportunities to impact on African institutions and ideas during the period of colonial subjugation when they attempted to integrate the economies of different African societies into the global capitalist economy.
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The case for an enhanced approach to fragile states, allowing an increased and more differentiated engagement, has become clear. As a development institution, the Bank has to stay engaged in all its member countries and in particular in countries coming out of conflict and crisis.
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